The Economist
(December 16th-22nd 2017) is mistaken to accept so
readily the National Endowment for Democracy’s term ‘sharp power’. We don't
need this categorisation because we already have an adequate label - ‘soft
power’.
Soft power is often used to
describe cultural attraction and familiarity with a place in the belief that
‘to know us is to love us’. However, we should not assume, as the current discussion on
China’s ‘sharp power’ assume, that soft power is benign by definition. Soft
power can have hard characteristics, and this is demonstrated most clearly in
the China case. Culture and values are not always attractive or appealing, but
can and often do create resentment and conflict. For a society that sees a
Hollywood movie, a Confucius Institute, or programmes of democracy promotion as
agents of a foreign power’s propaganda or as cultural imperialism, one that is
intent on subverting accepted social norms of the prevailing political order
soft power is far from non-coercive and non-threatening. In fact soft power can
be more insidious than hard power precisely because it can be embedded and
hidden within cultural products and aims to influence thought and behaviour. In
fact, to know us may be to hate us or fear us.
In other
words, China’s behaviour described in The
Economist is soft power. It aims
to influence, persuade, change opinion and behaviour – and to do so without
resorting to the instruments of ‘hard’ power. We do not need yet more terms
(not so long ago the fashionable moniker was ‘smart power’), but we do need to
recognise – as China clearly does - the hard potential of soft power.